
William Rivers Pitt, TruthOut, January 23, 2008
I put a dollar in one of those change machines. Nothing changed.
– George Carlin
Change, right?
That’s been the big buzzword since the middle of December or thereabouts. While the last days of 2007 bled away one by one, and as the pre-Iowa political bedlam became loud beyond endurance, “change” was the word on the lips of every candidate. One could not swing a dead cat by the tail in Ames or Des Moines without swatting campaign literature pledging “change to come,” but only if they got the votes.
Giuliani described himself as an “agent of change.” Clinton talked about needing experience in order to be able to bring change. Obama fairly waxed rhapsodic on the topic, setting the pre-caucus benchmark late in November by using the word four times in one sentence. Romney vowed to bring change to Washington, DC. Even McCain and The Artist Formerly Known As Thompson were grudgingly forced to work the word into their speeches after a while. It was everywhere, and any credulous folks in the crowd must have gotten to a point, after hearing it so often from so many candidates, where it felt safe to assume “change” was really coming no matter who wins come November.
“Change.” Let’s talk about that word, and what it involves. Certainly, making change in America’s domestic and foreign policy priorities is a necessary activity. Consider …
Iraq – A suicide bomber blew himself up in front of a school, wounding 22 teachers and students who were arriving for the beginning of the academic day. Another suicide bomber blew himself up at a funeral in the oil refinery city of Biaji, killing 15 and wounding ten others. The bodies of six family members who had been kidnapped the day before were found shot execution-style in Diyala province. Seven other bodies were found in different Baghdad districts. A bomb went off in Baghdad and wounded a policeman. Gunmen in Baghdad attacked and wounded three other policemen in Baghdad. A roadside bomb detonated on the Diyala Bridge killed an employee of the Transport Ministry and wounded six others. Two US soldiers were killed in Kirkuk, bringing the total number of American soldiers killed in Iraq to 3,931, with 27 of those deaths coming in the month of January to date.









George Soros: The Worst Market Crisis in 60 years
George Soros, Financial Times, January 22, 2008
The current financial crisis was precipitated by a bubble in the US housing market. In some ways it resembles other crises that have occurred since the end of the second world war at intervals ranging from four to 10 years.
However, there is a profound difference: the current crisis marks the end of an era of credit expansion based on the dollar as the international reserve currency. The periodic crises were part of a larger boom-bust process. The current crisis is the culmination of a super-boom that has lasted for more than 60 years.
Boom-bust processes usually revolve around credit and always involve a bias or misconception. This is usually a failure to recognise a reflexive, circular connection between the willingness to lend and the value of the collateral. Ease of credit generates demand that pushes up the value of property, which in turn increases the amount of credit available. A bubble starts when people buy houses in the expectation that they can refinance their mortgages at a profit. The recent US housing boom is a case in point. The 60-year super-boom is a more complicated case.
Every time the credit expansion ran into trouble the financial authorities intervened, injecting liquidity and finding other ways to stimulate the economy. That created a system of asymmetric incentives also known as moral hazard, which encouraged ever greater credit expansion. The system was so successful that people came to believe in what former US president Ronald Reagan called the magic of the marketplace and I call market fundamentalism. Fundamentalists believe that markets tend towards equilibrium and the common interest is best served by allowing participants to pursue their self-interest. It is an obvious misconception, because it was the intervention of the authorities that prevented financial markets from breaking down, not the markets themselves. Nevertheless, market fundamentalism emerged as the dominant ideology in the 1980s, when financial markets started to become globalised and the US started to run a current account deficit.
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